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书籍介绍

• 作者：于木木 发布时间：2018-08-18 16:26:34

  这个英文版好的我头很大，本来打算实操一遍的，最后是走马观花。

  我今年学习算法的心得，就是多画几遍，理解了再实现就很容易。这本书也是依靠了很多步骤过程图来说明。跟我之前的学习心得一致。

• 作者：codaaa 发布时间：2020-05-06 10:40:19

  徐先生言简意赅，需要好好好好阅读学习。

• 作者：邑青 发布时间：2020-07-08 18:25:08

  比较费眼

• 作者：Faust 发布时间：2017-01-11 09:47:10

  一点也不可怕啊!前面铺垫了那么久，结果被个小船撞了一下就缩回去了...感觉这个boss还没老人与海里面那条马林鱼战斗力强

• 作者：桑者闲闲 发布时间：2022-11-15 09:50:31

  数学和自然万物休戚与共，是浩瀚宇宙的本源，而这一切的发现，都离不开漫长数学史中的那一群人。数学的发展进步是靠数学家带领着实现跨越的，他们是科学文明的先驱者，他们用字符谱写一曲曲动听的数学之歌，传唱于人类的历史长河上。

• 作者：渡上飞草 发布时间：2018-12-23 12:27:11

  明年见

• 海岩的柔情与冷酷

  作者：曾经 发布时间：2011-08-01 23:05:59

       在实验室的冷气与宿舍电风扇搅拌的汗臭味里，花了两天时间看完了03年版《玉观音》和海岩的有限的小说。我依然还记得很多年前坐在看这部电视剧时自己的朦胧与青涩，这么多年过去了，仿佛又一头撞见了当年的自己。只是当时的班花终于结婚了；隔壁班的校花也幸福地改嫁了；当年一身学生妹打扮的孙俪也开始挺个大肚子考虑是不是要破坏国家政策生二胎了。当然今天不是怀春，也并不是感慨什么美好的童年的时光不再；确切的说，最初的动机是带着恶毒的愤世嫉俗的心态来看笑话的。但是当我还远没有看完的时候，我不得不承认，我爱上了这个故事。在8年后的今天，以挑剔的眼光来看，这仍不失为一部精雕细琢的影视剧，即使以今时今日的技术水平和审美理念翻拍，达到的效果也就仅此而已。无论是剧中与跌宕起伏的故事配合得天衣无缝的音乐；还是没有语法错误而且并不矫情的京腔；或者是 男女主角不算惊艳但干净的面容；亦或者是混杂着青春萌动、伦理、爱与恨、情与仇但却略显混乱的主题。

  　　

  　　

  　玉观音是婉转的流动着的乐章。的在我有限的阅读体验中，能将小说与音乐如此完美契合的大概只有村上春树的《挪威的森林》。如果说《挪威的森林》是摇滚乐，那么《玉观音》就是交响曲。当然区别也是巨大的：村上将42首歌曲融入到小说的故事当中，充当故事流动的幕景；而《玉观音》电视剧中的48首曲子全部是由叶小纲根据小说创作的，《玉观音》简直就是叶小纲本人的长篇MV，由此可见电视剧摄制者的精雕细琢。从这个意义上讲，以小说为原型摄制的电视剧却要比小说本身胜出许多。

  　　

  　　

  　玉观音是海岩的对抗中年危机的叛逃。曾经跟一个朋友在谈论小说和电影的层次问题时得出一个结论：写小说有三重境界，一是为了人民币而写，比如余秋雨和郭敬明，拿着赚来个金百万去追金喜善或者投资房地产；第二是为了自己而写，人到中年，驴血与激素不再激荡，皮肉日渐松弛，再也不能迎风尿三米远。可是心中的腻歪还在，睡村姑、搞邪教都不能浇灭小火苗，只能用文字的干柴烧出生命的荒原；第三重则是为了真相而写：完全背对观众，探求意义的真相。玉观音是一本只有真相却没有教义的小说，可是我们从小就习惯了清教徒般的教育，怎能忍受一部不仅不宣扬正义、理想、忠贞而且还给出模棱两可的答案的小说呢？或许正因为此，导演在电视剧中不得不画蛇添足般地加入了“献给无名英雄”之类的主题元素。在我看来，玉观音是海岩步入中年之后，对青春、爱情、伦理以及崇高的一次“叛逃”。他以自己的生活为武器，刺入多年前植入他脑海中的教条。海岩让整个故事流动得异常安静，甚至带着冷血的残酷。可正是这种置身事外的冷血与残酷，将一个普通人能触摸到的看似普通但却细微的悲苦与茫然小心翼翼的抽丝剥茧，然后将细密的线团轻轻的堆放在你面前，而对抗宿命的无奈就会如同墨渍在宣纸上丝丝缓缓蔓延。他仿佛拿着一个长镜头，对准宿命般的悲剧，但却毫不夸张与矫饰。伤心之处并不在于结果，而在与悲剧必然的宿命。那一刻，我以为《一 一》里面的中年男人灵魂附体，他说“我以为如果再活一遍，会有什么不同，结果发现，即使再活一遍，也并无不同”。并没有疾风骤雨，却像一滴滴水珠打在长满青苔的青石板上，淅淅沥沥四十年。

  　　

  　当然，不足之处也很明显。首先，以小说家的尺度来量度，海岩的对文字的美感毫不雕琢，甚至到了惨不忍睹的地步。不过如果纯粹以剧本的角度老看，人物对话确实丰满而不矫情。其次，电视剧的改编淡化了毛杰的人物形象，将毛杰硬生生刻画成了现代版的咆哮体；对于安心与毛杰复杂而微妙的感情处理得简单而粗暴。尽管如此，《玉观音》仍然是我最喜欢（没有之一）的国产电视剧。

• Reevaluating the Heritage of the Mongol Conquests

  作者：weictsai 发布时间：2013-12-01 19:25:25

  之前應H-War的邀稿，在寫這本書的書評。下面是書評全文。我自己覺得這本書寫得不錯，算是世界史風行以來，新近的研究中寫得最完整的一本。跟Rossabi之前出版的世界史教材The Mongols and Global History: A Norton Documents Reader相比，這本書更像是一本專著。雖然內容有些小瑕疵，例如把Erdene Zuu的興建者喀爾喀的阿巴泰汗誤植為土默特的阿勒坦汗，但是瑕不掩瑜。第三章「1350年的世界：一個全球的世界」，是我目前讀過用最短的篇幅而能恰當總結蒙古帝國崩潰後的歐亞世界概況，特別是內亞部分。由於作者本身研究蒙古軍事史，所以第五章有關軍事的部分寫得也很不錯，特別是蒙古的戰術對現代戰略思想的影響。推薦給有興趣的朋友。:-)

  --

  Link:

  http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=36345

  Timothy May. The Mongol Conquests in World History. London: Reaktion Books, 2011. 304 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-86189-867-8.

  Reviewed by Wei-chieh Tsai (Indiana University)

  Published on H-War (September, 2012)

  Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

  Reevaluating the Heritage of the Mongol Conquests

  The Mongol conquests shook Eurasia and were of significant influence in world history. Since the 1970s, a great number of articles and books have been written or edited evaluating or re-examining its heritage. Among those works, J. J. Saunders’ The History of the Mongol Conquests (1971) and David Morgan’s The Mongols (first published in 1986 and second edition in 2007) are of great use for students and experts of Mongol history. In the past two decades, Thomas T. Allsen has made an immense contribution on this topic. His books Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles (1997) and Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (2001) expand our vision about the cultural exchange in Eurasia. As new archaeological evidences are found, we can better understand the technological and material exchange between East Asia and the Middle East. Many papers about these topics have been edited into books, such as The Legacy of Genghis Khan: Courtly Art and Culture in Western Asia, 1256-1353 (edited by Linda Komaroff and Stefano Carboni, 2002) and Beyond the Legacy of Genghis Khan (edited by Linda Komaroff, 2006). By dint of those works, May’s new book The Mongol Conquests in World History digests those modern findings and shows us the latest development in this field. [1]

  Opening with a concise introduction of sources and theoretical concerns, May’s book is divided into two parts: “The Mongol Conquests as Catalyst” and “The Chinggis Exchange.” May considers the Mongol conquests to have changed the political map of Eurasia and offered a platform for the Chinggis Exchange, a term which was coined by its initiator, Chinggis Khan. The first part has three chapters and respectively deals with the formation, dissolution, and aftermath of the Mongol empire. Since May is an expert of Mongol military history, he offers his readers a fairly clear account of Mongol conquests in Eurasia. The third chapter is a succinct overview of the Eurasian regimes in the post-Mongol era.

  The second part includes seven chapters, each discussing a different dimension of the Chinggis Exchange: trade, warfare (and technology), administration, religion, germ (bubonic plague), human (migration), and culture. In the trade chapter, May mentions how Chinese paper money influenced the monetary reform in the Middle East (pp. 128-129). He also points out that the Mongol capitals Karakorum and New Saray rose and fell with the development of the Mongol empire since the Mongols deliberately arranged the post-road routes for merchants (p. 119, 126). The warfare chapter is based on May’s first book and is an admirable account about Mongol military and its modern influence. He is also cautious in pointing out that at that time the gunpowder might not have been applied outside of China since we have no archaeological evidences and philology is not enough to support this theory (p. 152). [2] In the administration chapter, May demonstrates that the Mongol governance was coherent inside of the empire by means of taxation, and the pervasive census facilitated the implement of taxation. The Mongols left their successors a new model for administrating their territories. As for religion, the Mongols were known for being tolerant of world religions, but they did not convert to any of them until the dissolution of their empire. In May’s opinion, the main reason is that the Mongols believed they obtained a mandate from heaven to conquer the world, and to adopt another religion meant losing their identity. Even though the Mongols converted to Buddhism and Islam, they actually adopted the syncretic form of those religions which was more flexible to foreign elements. Therefore the Mongols would not need to convert at the expense of changing their identity (p. 197). In the migration chapter, May argues that the Pax Mongolica not only facilitated migration, but also contributed to the establishment of Turkic states in Eurasia. In the final chapter, May probes some cultural exchanges which have been undervalued, like food and apparel.

  Although May has done a good job evaluating roles of different peoples under the Mongol rule, the part concerning the importance of the Uighurs could still be elaborated. It is correct that Xi Xia was the first sedentary power that the Mongols invaded (p. 38). But we need to notice that the first sedentary power that joined the Mongol camp was the Uighurs. The Uighurs’ obligations to the Mongols became a model for later states that were incorporated into the Mongol empire. For instance, the subordinate ruler had to pay homage to the Mongol khan in person, he had to send his relatives as hostages, and his territory was subject to Mongol taxation, military recruitment, and post-road system. As for Uighur cultural influence on the Mongols, Chinggis Khan ordered to adopt the Uighur script for writing Mongolian. Tata Tong’a, the creator of Mongolian writing, is Uighur. Uighur script and scribes were popular for the Mongol administration. Chinqai (?-1252), chief minister of Ögedei and Güyüg Khan, was also Uighur. The Mongol conquests also made the Uighur culture spread across Eurasia. [3]

  As for the transformation of the Mongol identity, May mentions the Khamag Mongol Ulus, a common identity created by Chinggis Khan for replacing the old ethnic identities, such as the Kereits and the Naimans (pp. 36-37). May uses this term as a proper noun and for him it seems that there existed a Khamag Mongol Ulus in the pre-Chinggis era. Therefore, Khamag Mongol Ulus served as the archetype of the Yeke Monggol Ulus (p. 213). Although some Soviet and Mongol scholars had the same assumption, Igor de Rachewiltz demonstrated that this might not be an acceptable reading and the khamag Mongol ulus simply means all the Mongols, not a proper noun or an appellation for the pre-Chinggis Mongol state. [4]

  Some minor mistakes in the editing were found in the book. Zhao Gong 趙珙, the author of Mengda beilu (Record of the Mongols and Tatars), is erroneously transcribed into Zhao Hong (p. 17). Zhongxing 中興, the capital of Xi Xia, was wrongly transcribed into Zhongxiang (p. 39, 45). The famous Mongol Buddhist monastery Erdene Zuu was not sponsored by Altan Khan of Tümed, but Abatai Khan of Khalkha (p. 116).

  May’s book reveals to us that during the Chinggis Exchange of the medieval world the Mongols played an active role. Before the rise of the Mongols, the Islamic Middle East and the Confucian East Asia were not interested in international exchange. Without the Mongols, the major Eurasian civilizations might not have been forced to start large-scale interactions and exchanges since they were all highly self-conceited and looked down on other civilizations. As the subject of world history becomes more and more popular, May’s work is an admirable contribution in this field and a necessary guide for teaching and research today.

  Note

  [1]. Although Rossabi published two books about the Mongols recently and also touches this topic, one is more like a textbook or reader for students and the other is a booklet for introducing the Mongols to the public. The main audience of both books is not academic researchers. See Morris Rossabi, _The Mongols and Global History: A Norton Documents Reader_ (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2011) and _The Mongols: A Very Short Introduction_ (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

  [2]. See Timothy May, _The Mongol Art of War: Chinggis Khan and the Mongol Military System_ (Yardley, PA: Westholme Publishing, 2007).

  [3]. For the Uighurs under Mongol rule, see Thomas T. Allsen, “The Yüan Dynasty and the Uighurs of Turfan in the 13th Century,” in _China among Equals: The Middle Kingdom and Its Neighbors, 10th-14th Centuries_, ed. Morris Rossabi (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 261-269.

  [4]. Igor de Rachewiltz, trans., _The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century_, 2nd impr. with corr. (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 296.